[This op-ed is from a few months ago and just resurfaced as I was cleaning out my list of articles to read. The data cited are not only compelling, they speak to the experience of a few students I interacted with this year. I had a lot of trouble with one student, J. He was immature, frequently refusing to work unless I would agree to take the class outside or to the gym (which I did on the days that made sense, not on the days he asked). He would cry and threaten to tip over desks. He wanted approval and insisted on passing out papers. J lives with his aunt and uncle, who rules with a heavy hand. It is very likely that J will be the only student retained this year, mostly due to his immaturity. Towards the very end of the year I was talking with his therapist and decided to ask if she had any idea why J lives with his aunt and uncle and, if so, if she could tell me. “From what I understand, they were young and had to leave the U.S. They won’t be coming back any time soon…” I asked if they’d been deported and she waffled, but in a way that made it clear that they had been she just couldn’t tell me. Not only has this boy been without his parents, he lives with the knowledge that the federal government took his parents away. I am not surprised to read that his experience of “fear and uncertainty” could lead to “delayed cognitive development, lower educational performance, and clinical levels of anxiety.”]
By Robert Suro and Marcelo M. Suárez-Orozco
Think of that statistic, one in 15, the next time you drive by a school or a playground.Think of those children living with the knowledge that the federal government can take their parents away. Common sense tells you that the threat of a parent’s deportation will exact a terrible price.
Now it’s possible to get some measure of how big the cost is. In a recent report, we assessed more than 50 research studies of the children of unauthorized immigrants conducted by scholars in a variety of fields. This growing body of work shows that fear and uncertainty breed difficulties that manifest themselves in delayed cognitive development, lower educational performance and clinical levels of anxiety.
By one estimate, more than six million children are paying the price of having an unauthorized immigrant parent, and more than five million of them were born here. A study that followed 380 New York City newborns for three years found evidence of lower cognitive skills as early as 24 months among the children of the undocumented and concluded that parents’ psychological distress played a major role. A 2004-8 Los Angeles survey of more than 5,000 immigrants found that having an unauthorized immigrant mother means children will end their education with one and a half years less schooling than those growing up under identical circumstances, with a mother who is in the country legally.
The research not only diagnoses the costs of policy failure but also points the way to a solution. The same Los Angeles study found that 43 percent of children with a father legalized in the 1986 immigration reform act received some college education, compared with 14 percent of similar children whose father remained an unauthorized immigrant. Legalization can place these young people on a life trajectory equal to that of their peers.
Once you take this evidence into consideration, the challenges change. The nation has an interest in regulating immigration, yet it also has a stake in its children. Current policies do not succeed in regulating immigration, but they do force these children into life-stifling insecurity.
Though now blocked by a legal challenge, the executive actions issued by President Obama in November offered an immediate if short-term fix. One of the proposed programs would grant permission to parents of American citizens and legal residents to remain in the United States for three years and to work legally, as long as they meet a number of conditions. An amicus brief signed by an array of educational organizations and children’s advocacy groups cited our report as evidence of the harm current policies inflict on children who are United States citizens, and the federal government made the same argument during an appellate court hearing this month.
These young citizens are at risk of being less than full members of society. Removing the threat of deportation from their families gives them a chance to prosper. That serves the public interest more effectively than maintaining an enforcement system widely decried as ineffective and unjust.
In the universe of manufactured disadvantage, we cannot think of many instances in which sitting judges, with the stroke of a pen, can bring immediate and measurable relief to millions of children. Here, they can. The remedy begins by understanding that the adults can no longer be seen simply as people who slipped the border to find work. We must begin to see them as parents, as the people raising our nation’s children. Some will reject that view and fault the adults for being in this country without proper immigration status.
But the American sense of fairness and system of justice have long embraced the notion that the “sins of the father” should not be visited on the children. Reasonable minds can debate whether there is blame to attach to the parents. There is no reasonable case to be made for punishing their children, who are citizens of the United States. Yet they are punished every day.